What the bill does is effectively declare that Indians are not to be considered Indians anymore. In terms of pure presentation, the bill intends no harm whatsoever for native nations.
House Concurrent Resolution 108, passed in 1953, did not declare that indigenous peoples would be subject to state-sponsored violence nor that they would be forcibly relocated. Stultifying and dreadfully boring as they may be, the intended effects of such documents were just as devastating, if not more so, than the spectacular bloody wars and forced relocations of earlier eras.
In comparison, the Termination era is characterized by documents: the stuffy, dry legalese of House Concurrent Resolutions. This period does not possess the visceral dynamics of the Trail of Tears marches (1830–1838) or Sitting Bull versus Custer (1876), events of violence, open enmity, and plainly physical destruction. era bear many similarities to the “Termination” era (1953–1968) in the history of US relations to the native nations of North America. The more sophisticated yet similarly maleficent tactics of the James Crow, Esq.
Thus, discrimination, segregation, and widespread suppression of voting rights remain prevalent, just like in the Jim Crow era only now these are accomplished in a subtle manner, through incentivized gentrification, voter role purges, ID requirements, poll closures, and gerrymandering, rather than the explicit black codes of yesteryear (codes detailed in Pauli Murray’s classic text States’ Laws on Race and Color). Jim Crow has become “James Crow, Esq.” Rather than passing away, Jim has hung around and even taken on airs of sophistication.
According to Barber, Jim Crow has not in fact disappeared rather, he has simply rebranded himself. Barber II’s book The Third Reconstruction in which he talks about how the reality of Jim Crow in America has transformed over the years. THERE IS A DELIGHTFUL PASSAGE in William J.
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